From the newspapers
Does helping Palestinians beautify the occupation?
The women of MachsomWatch have helped some 5,000 people through the process of appealing their travel ban to Israel
There is a thorn in the side of the Israeli prohibitions industry, in the guise of severstubborn and persistent women of retirement age. In a word: nudniks. They are the MachsomWatch volunteers, who during the past seven years have been offering their persistence in order to appeal the travel ban that the Shin Bet security service imposes on Palestinians who seek work in Israel."
The MachsomWatch organization of female volunteers, which began over a decade ago with the monitoring of physical and administrative checkpoints on the West Bank, has developed various areas of expertise: travel bans for security reasons, the military courts, police fines, permits for reasons of health, restrictions in the Jordan Valley and more.
During their shifts at the checkpoints the women have come to know the Palestinian workers and tradesman who depend on Israel for their livelihood, and who one murky day discover that their exit permit has been revoked and a "security prevention" imposed on them. After becoming acquainted and having conversations with hundreds of people, and later with thousands, the women reject the automatic interpretation that the average Israeli attributes to the pair of words "security prevention": "The Shin Bet knows what it's doing. If the permit was revoked, that means that the man is dangerous."
They began waiting for hours with the workers and tradesman who went to appeal the "security prevention" in the offices of the Coordination and Liaison Administration, and afterwards they helped to fill out forms and submit requests to overturn the prevention. They called everyone possible in the Civil Administration to find out why someone waits for hours and never gets to the window of a clerk, why he is not given a receipt for submitting the request, why a reply to a previous request doesn't arrive, and why there are no forms in Arabic. They wrote letters to the officer of the employment department in the Civil Administration, to the Military Advocate General in Judea and Samaria, to the head of the Shin Bet and to the head of the Civil Administration.
The pestering brings results: To date they have helped some 5,000 people through the appeals process. The "security prevention" evaporated for 35 percent of them already in the initial stage of handling the case. Some go on to judicial institutions, despite the financial outlay. Attorney Tamir Blank is a partner to the women of MachsomWatch, whose volunteer work lowers the cost to the Palestinian worker. The security denial of about 70 percent of the 283 people who turned to the courts via MachsomWatch evaporated, usually before the deliberations stage.
On November 9, 2009 an officer in the Population Registry department of the Military Advocate General in Judea and Samaria wrote to them: "Recently our office has been receiving on a weekly basis a large number of copies of requests to revoke the "security prevention" of residents whose request to enter Israel for employment purposes was denied ... Our office is not the authorized administrative institution for handling such requests ... [and] complaints about the conduct of the Civil Administration. I ask that the sending of these copies be stopped. [They create] a burden on the fax machine and also waste precious ecological resources."
The MachsomWatch activists had the fax number of the advocate general because until June 2007 he was, in fact, the address for appealing security prevention. Later the rule was changed and he stopped being the address, and again the rules were changed, then again something changed and there was a wave of cancellation of permits of veteran workers. Then for some reason, from July 2009 until March 2010 there was nobody to turn to in order to appeal.
The women faxed a reply to the officer: "Employers [who under the new procedures were asked to personally request that the security prevention of a Palestinian laborer be revoked] don't receive replies. Attorneys don't receive replies ... The Coordination and Liaison Office offers no reply regarding the reason for the confiscation of a permit ... [The workers] try to meet with a Shin Bet [representative], who makes them wait for hours and sends them away saying: 'You aren't needed.' When a Shin Bet representative consents to meet with the Palestinian resident, the crushing statement is: 'Help us and we'll help you, and if not, you'll never receive a permit.' And when they appeal the prevention together with their employers there is no reply. There's a sealed wall...
"Israel's control of the area is that of belligerent occupation, and therefore it has obligations toward [its residents], and among other things the obligation to take care of their welfare and their needs. Therefore along with the complaint about the ecological damage that we are causing, we would expect at least a minimal reference to the human damage ..."
Kafkaesque sagas
A second report by this group of experts was posted on the MachsomWatch website, which sums up its activity since June 2007 and is called "Invisible Prisoners - Don't Know Why and There's Nowhere to Turn." It was written by Sylvia Piterman, a retired senior economist.
She has reason for beginning the report with a scene from Kafka's "The Castle." There is no shortage of Kafkaesque sagas of individual Palestinians in the mazes of the occupation in our newspapers. But the report tells a saga of thousands. That is why throughout the report one can hear the refrain: There's a method here, there's a purpose behind the wholesale denial of permits and of restrictions of movement.
"This is a system that is designed to continue and maintain the occupation. And for that purpose the population has to be kept afraid, in a situation of uncertainty and without social solidarity. The method is also designed to maintain a large reservoir of Palestinians ... in order to enlist them [as informants to the Shin Bet], while cynically exploiting their most urgent needs," writes Piterman.
It would have been worthwhile to add: The method is designed to reduce to a minimum the number of Palestinian workers in Israel, on the way to completing the policy of demographic separation that governments have been practicing since the early 1990s.
Another thing that the report outlines - and here, too, more details would have been welcomed - is the gradual inclusion of the Palestinian workers in Israel in the category of "foreign workers." Israel is establishing many facts on the ground in order to create the false presentation that Areas A and B are a "state" rather than occupied territory. For example, the checkpoints are called "terminals" or "crossings." Placing Palestinian laborers under the jurisdiction of the Interior Ministry (rather than the Industry, Trade and Labor Ministry, as used to be the case ) and treating them as though they were from Thailand and Colombia, are another such fact.
Doesn't the assistance to individuals (even when there are thousands ) beautify the system? That is a question that comes up in the report, as in the constant conversations of the activists. This is a dilemma that faces every anti-occupation group in Israel. In the overall battle against a regime of privileges for Jews, Jewish Israelis exploit their superior rights in order to try and help people (usually of those classes which are not wrapped with money and connections ) in their daily dealings with the empire of prohibitions: to go to Israel for medical treatment, to overturn a home demolition order, to prepare a building plan, to dig a water cistern, to file a complaint with the police against settler harassment, to go to study, to visit a sick mother.
The theoretical understanding that this is a repugnant system, and its overall rejection does not weaken their caring and commitment to individuals.
Where is Leftist Machsom Watch When We "Need Them"?
The women are there, they claim, to "monitor human rights abuses" and the hampering of free passage for Arabs on what they call "their own land." They often try to interfere with and hinder the soldiers. The soldiers are there, however, to try to make sure all the humans on the land have the basic right to live. There is no way to do without the checkposts, and in fact, the dismantling of some of them to please the United States government resulted almost immediately in terror attacks.
The PA Arabs delayed going through the checkpoints are paying the price for supporting terror actively as well as for silently letting it continue to flourish in their midst.
The Jews delayed, however, should not be going through those procedures and complain that they are paying the price of inefficient and partial manning of the booths at peak hours in certain places, and in some cases, the desire for individual guards to act according to their left leaning political views or to show that they check loyal, IDF serving Jews as carefully as they do PA Arabs.
The Gush Etzion checkpost, for example, is constantly backed up for miles, meaning that people miss appointments, working mothers arrive home after schools and kindergarden are over, much time is wasted and tempers are frayed. The soldiers are not ordered to man all the available booths on the road to this densely populated area with its many professionals trying to reach Jerusalem or return from it, an easy improvement which would make a big difference to the Israeli taxpayers who are late to work time and time again, no matter when they leave their homes in Efrat, Elazar, Alon Shvut, Neve Daniel and places farther south.
However, the citizens of Karnei Shomron, Emanuel, Kedumim and the other communities in Samaria have a more serious problem. They are up in arms after being told by guards that the Eliyahu checkpoint that they must pass through to get to the coastal plain is a "border, to all intents and purposes, not just a checkpoint" and that is why they are detained and asked all kinds of questions.
Arutz Sheva has received a wave of complaints from residents of the above towns about what goes on at this checkpost. The writers complain about visitors from abroad and caretakers for the elderly being taken off buses and being addressed rudely by the guards, about insults and coarse behavior. Confirmation was given by the regional and municipal offices contacted by Arutz Sheva.
Karnei Shomron Mayor Herzl Ben-Ari said that he had been forced to intervene several times when contacted by panicked residents of the town who were detained at the checkpoint. “I got a call from a family that was stuck at the checkpoint,” Ben-Ari said. “The guards would simply not let them pass. It turns out that a 'selector' asked the driver the standard questions 'Where are you from? Who is that sitting in the back?' 'My wife,' answered the driver politely. 'Then why is she sitting in the back?' he countered. The driver’s wife was very offended by the irrelevant question. The driver tried to get the name of the guard so that he could file a complaint, but was stymied – and detained.
Ben-Ari said that he had examined the issue in depth and discussed it with top IDF officers, who had told him that there was no reason for any questioning at all.
Thursday afternoon, a citizen's demonstration is planned at the checkpoint: "We, loyal citizens of the State of Israel, will not be treated as if we are terrorists, having our time wasted and our honor insulted as if we are on the other side of a border", say the local ads.
The Samaria Residents' Council says: "It is our right, as loyal citizens of the State, to receive at the checkpoint the same treatment Israeli citizens receive at the shopping malls in Tel Aviv and Kfar Sava, and as is done at the other passes at the entrance to Jerusalem, Maale Adumim, and Gush Etzion. There – not every driver is asked from where he came, and one is not asked to present an identification card, unless there is a specific reason for suspicion. The mere fact that we live in the Shomron does not turn us into potential terrorists, and does not lessen our rights to proper and civilized treatment.”
Attending the demonstration will be MK Michael Ben Ari (National Union), Samaria Regional Authority Head Gershon Mesika, Yesha Council Head Danny Dayan, Emanuel Mayor Rabbi Ezra Gershi, Kedumim Mayor Hananel Durani, Karnei Shomron Mayor Herzl Ben Ari. Machsom Watch is not expected.
The Guilt of Judges
It has recently been reported that the IDF Military Advocate General opposes the Prime Minister’s initiative to put violent Jewish settlers on trial in military court (Haim Levinson and Tomer Zarhin, Haaretz 27 December 2011). Indeed, those courts have quite a different role. For years my comrades and I have been monitoring the military courts at Ofer and the Russian Compound, which hear the cases of Palestinian residents of the Occupied Territories. From the hundreds of trials that we have reported on we have learned that the role of the military judges in the Israeli system to control the Palestinian population goes beyond a mere rubber-stamp. They give a judicial seal of approval, without which the Occupation would have ended long ago.
In order to understand the scene in court you have to know the scenes that go along with it. It all starts with the scene of the arrest, where soldiers act with overt brute force. They seize Palestinians and put them into detention in operations that look like kidnappings to the Palestinians. The next scene takes place in concealed interrogation rooms, where Israel Security Agency (ISA – Shin Bet) agents interrogate the Palestinians using “special” methods.
The interrogations produce “confidential reports” that are shown to the judge for the purpose of repeated extensions of detention, until the Palestinian is “ripe” to move on to the next scene – the court. Nearly 100% of Palestinian suspects (according to the report of the military courts for 2010) proceed from there to the last scene – prison. About a million Palestinians have made this journey since June 1967.
The military judges who have deprived an entire nation of its freedom and criminalized the majority of its members for nearly half a century now are no less violent than the soldiers and the interrogators. On the contrary; the judges exploit their positions of honour, their educations and the intellectual authority they get from being perceived as principled people to wreak havoc in violation of international law. Those judges, who diligently and knowingly strive to dress the Occupation in a cloak of law and justice, are worse than the other actors, who at least not do not pretend to be what they are not. The soldier and the interrogator do what they have been taught to do, whereas the military judge pretends to “promote justice and the integration of the rule of law.” (Quote from the website of the IDF Military Advocate General) http://www.law.idf.il/320-en/Patzar.aspx But that is just a pretense, because there can be no justice in a territory where two justice systems exist side-by-side – one for the occupied indigenous population and another one for the colonizing occupiers. When we watch the hundreds of children and minors who pass like a flock of sheep before a female judge, the injustice cries out to the heavens.
In the Russian Compound in Jerusalem the role of the judges is to authorize the prolongation of detention for interrogation purposes at the request of the ISA. In Israel a suspect can be interrogated for 24 hours without seeing a judge – in the Russian Compound a Palestinian can may undergo eight days of interrogation before seeing a judge, and 21 days before meeting with a lawyer.
We have been present at the trials of dozens of Hamas members who were put on trial after the Palestinian Authority elections in 2006. We saw them brought for trial in their masses – from someone who just waved a flag at an electoral rally all the way up to members of parliament and ministers. They were accused of purely political crimes, defined as “membership”, “activity”, or “holding a position” in an “unauthorized association”. It happened ex post facto, after legal elections the legitimacy of which was recognized by the whole world including Israel. Was there even one judge who did not go along with it?
If Fatah and Hamas reconcile, then Fatah is liable to go back to being an illegitimate hostile entity. Will there then be one judge who will refuse to give that a stamp of approval? Based on what I have read on the website of the Military Advocate General (MAG), it must be assumed that the answer is no: “At the end of the day, our objective is to contribute to the security of the State and in our unique way to gather the terror activists of the various factions in prison.” Thus a military prosecutor describes the “procedures in the military courts in Judea and Samaria” (from a blog on the MAG website). This young prosecutor is likely to become a military judge one day. In the face of such a coalition the inferior status of the Palestinians and their defence counsels is clear, and it is no wonder that the outcome is a 99.76% rate of conviction.
The author is a member of Mahsom Watch
Translated from Hebrew by George Malent
Watching the Barrier's Checkpoints
The Separation Barrier was built by the Israeli government to prevent uncontrolled entry of Palestinians from the West Bank into Israel. To get through it, Palestinians must obtain a security clearance from the Israel Civil Administration (the governing body in the West-Bank), and then pass a security inspection by the Israeli soldiers manning the checkpoints located in the gates of the barrier. Some Palestinians must go through these checkpoints to get to their land or workplace, because the barrier was erected between their home and their job.
My latest video report focuses on organization of Israeli women peace-activists, who visit these checkpoints on a daily basis, to document the soldiers' behavior. The organization is called MachsomWatch, and it includes several hundred women from various ages and professions in the Israeli society. I spent several days with two MachsomWatch volunteers to learn what kind of influence they have on the the interaction between the Palestinians and the soldiers at the checkpoints:
The main location of filming in this video report was Habla Checkpoint, a gate in the Separation Barrier, located near the Palestinian city of Qalqilya. The construction of the Separation Barrier began in 2002, and today it is mostly completed. Its declared objective is to prevent uncontrolled entry of Palestinians into Israel. In some sections the barrier is comprised of an electronic barbed-wire fences, and in other parts it is a concrete wall six to eight meters high. While it mostly follows the 1967 borders, there are several extensive parts in which the Separation Barrier deviates into the eastern side of the border known as the Green Line to make sure large Jewish Settlements in the West Bank are to the west of the barrier.
There are dozens of gates -- similar to the Habla checkpoint -- along the 710 kilometer long Separation Barrier. In the northern entrance to Jerusalem is one of the most tense gateways through the Separation Barrier, know as Qalandiya checkpoint. Thousands of Palestinian men, women and children cross it everyday on their way from Ramallah or other West Bank cities to Jerusalem. MachsomWatch women -- including Anat and Dalya, the main characters in the video report I produced -- visit Qalandiya checkpoint regularly. Recently, one of the activists documented the events.
The women volunteering for MachsomWatch are considered by some in the Israeli society as leftist and traitors because the organization's activists write and publish reports which in some cases display Israeli soldiers misusing their power and behaving immorally. Recently, MachsomWatch and other Israeli human rights organizations have been targeted by Israel's right wing government, and legal steps have been taken to try to limit their influence.

Those Who Inspired Us in 2011
Mustafa Tamimi was a 28-year-old resident of the West Bank village of Nabi Saleh. His meticulously trimmed beard served as the centerpiece of his handsome face.
In December 2011, when an Israeli soldier shot him from a short distance with a tear gas canister, half of Mustafa’s face went missing. More soldiers laughed as his horrified family tried to accompany him to a nearby hospital, according to activists present at the scene. Only the mother was finally able to obtain a special permit from the Israeli military, which allowed her to be with her son.
Mustafa’s crime? He, along with Palestinian, Israeli and international peace activists, protested the besiegement of Nabi Saleh by the illegal Jewish settlement of Halamish. Halamish has existed since 1977 and drastically grown in size and population ever since, taking over privately-owned Palestinian land. As of late, Nabi Saleh has been struggling for mere survival as its fresh water spring has also been seized by settlers under the watchful eye of the Israeli army.
Mustafa died so that the village of Nabi Saleh could live. The struggle will continue for years.
A young man may now be gone, but he also left behind a legacy which has become the cornerstone of the augmenting international solidarity with Palestinians around the globe.
The struggle for justice in Palestine is ultimately between a Palestinian – protesting, with a rock or rifle in hand – and an Israeli, often equipped with the latest killing technology the arms industry has to offer. The former fights for basic rights – land, water, freedom, equality and such – while the latter is determined to intimidate, silence, imprison, and, when compelled, commit murder or even large scale massacres to prolong Israeli occupation and military dominance over Palestinians.
Things are not always so clear-cut, of course. Some Palestinians have learned with time the benefits of co-existing with the occupation. Some Israelis have jointly struggled with Palestinians against the inhumanity of the occupation, the brutality of the military and the illegality of the land seizure.
One such Israeli is Tamar Fleishman, of Machsomwatch. She is simply indefatigable. Her mission is to document the daily violations committed by the Israeli army at a series of checkpoints extending between Ramallah (in the West Bank) and Jerusalem. Showing a complete disregard for international law, and even the official foreign policy of the United States, Israel has insisted that the entirety of Jerusalem is Israel’s eternal capital. But illegally occupied East Jerusalem - or al-Quds - has been the beating heart of Palestinian national, religious and even intellectual identity for many generations. To split the heart from the body, Israel has been choking occupied East Jerusalem since 1967, encircling it with illegal Jewish settlements, Jewish-only bypass roads, and a dizzying checkpoint structure intended to create a permanent divorce between the West Bank and a city that Palestinians see as their future capital.
Armed with a camera and her own willpower, Tamar is relentless. She knows by name all the tired-looking children who sell tea in plastic cups, newspapers and gum at all the checkpoints. She narrates their stories of humiliation, pain and struggle. She tells of the people crammed between glass walls, barbed wire and blocks of cement. As long as these women and men keep the checkpoints populated, Jerusalem will maintain its historic attachment with the rest of Palestine.
And Tamar, the habitual visitor of these very spots, will resume her daily toil to convey the stories that capture the essence of this enduring conflict.
But without the numerous media outlets that challenge the inherent pro-Israeli bias, censorship and apathy of mainstream media, Mustafa’s story and Tamar’s photos would have remained confined to Nabi Saleh, or some checkpoint manned by cruel soldiers.
In fact, the story of Palestine is getting more than a good share of coverage in old and new alternative media outlets. More, 2011 has concluded on a positive note as far as media coverage of this conflict is concerned. In an article entitled, ‘The media consensus on Israel is collapsing’, Jordan Michael Smith reveals that “slowly but unmistakably, space is opening up among the commentariat for new, critical ideas about Israel and its relationship to the United States” (salon.com, December 21). While Smith rightly credits the academics Tony Judt, Stephen Walt and John Mearsheimer for “expanding the permissible,” the pressure on mainstream media has been obstinately championed by numerous individuals from all walks of life. It is they, who, for many years, refused to subscribe to the convenient narrative that venerates and vindicates Israel - not only at the expense of Palestinians, but also at the expense of the United States’ foreign policy.
The popular solidarity movement continues to score new victories with each passing day. Israel’s attempt at countering its gains seems to achieve little more than inviting controversy, which actually recruits more support for Palestinian rights.
One platform that has become very successful in recent years, and particularity so in 2011, was the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement.
“The BDS movement is growing relentless,” wrote Eric Walberg, author and editor at al-Ahram Weekly. His ‘BDS Updates’ regularly highlight the overwhelming success of the worldwide initiative that is partly modeled on the triumphant anti-Apartheid movement of South Africa. His year-ender updates for 2011 included the cancelation of an Israel tour by the famous musician Natacha Atlas (though sadly, not all artists were so principled). Walberg also reported that “in a wonderfully shocking divestment move, Israeli powers-that-be are furious at BNP Paribas for shutting down its operations in Israel. (They) believe the bank’s board of directors caved to pressure groups, in the first case in years of a foreign bank leaving Israel…” Such reports are now stable items crowding social media channels on a regular basis.
True, 2011 had its share of tragedy. Human lives were lost in Palestine. But hope was also sustained by the sacrifices of numerous ‘ordinary’ people who collectively managed to achieve many hard-earned feats. It is these numerous small victories that will make it difficult for Israel to continue with its futile campaign to occupy and dominate a people so determinately entrenched in their land - from the small village of Nabi Saleh to the proud Palestinian city of al-Quds.
The connection between a Pulitzer-winning photojournalist and a Palestinian housekeeper
It is very likely that without the report last week about how Lynsey Addario was stripped at the Erez checkpoint and the subsequent apology of the Defense Ministry, Nabila's story would not have been published.
What is about to happen here constitutes deliberate exploitation of the attention given to the humiliating security check undergone by New York Times photographer Lynsey Addario. It is very likely that without the report last week about how Addario was stripped at the Erez checkpoint and the subsequent apology of the Defense Ministry, the following lines would not have been written. We won't be writing here about a Pulitzer Prize winner, but about a housekeeper, a Palestinian woman with Israeli citizenship, and about what happened to her at the Sha'ar Eliyahu checkpoint on the occupied land of Qalqilyah.
On November 9 the following email message arrived in the inbox of Machsom Watch (an Israeli women's organization that monitors West Bank checkpoints ), from Talma (the names in the article have been changed ): "I would like your help in assisting a young woman who works in my home, who underwent a humiliating intimate security check at the checkpoint on November 6. The examination was done by a female employee of a security firm, and according to the examinee, it was done rudely behind a curtain while many people were passing by ..." Thus, Hedva, a Machsom Watch activist, heard about and was able to reach the young woman, Nabila.
Hedva had difficulty interesting a journalist with whom she is in contact about this story. She left a recorded message for this writer, asking to be called back. Last Sunday the shock and anger could still be heard in her voice when she told about the woman who passed through the Sha'ar Eliyahu checkpoint, and about the exchange of letters with what is called the ground (or land crossing authority. This writer hesitated, oscillating between "Nobody will believe this story," and "Nobody will be interested in it" - although in everyday conversations the banality of the humiliation at the checkpoints always comes up.
Last Tuesday, at 7:10 A.M., Hedva phoned excitedly: On page 10 of Haaretz Hebrew edition she had discovered the report about Addario. Isn't this the right time to write about Nabila, she urged. Indeed it is.
Nabila and her four daughters, Israeli citizens, were returning from a visit to her husband and their father: a Palestinian from the West Bank. They have been married for 16 years, and their request for family reunification has been frozen. The Sha'ar Eliyahu checkpoint is intended for Israeli citizens and a handful of Palestinians who live in the gray area between the Green Line and the separation wall.
During a phone conversation on Friday night, Nabila said that, like everyone, or at least like all the Israeli Palestinians, she and her daughters entered the examination room at Sha'ar Eliyahu. Her bag and the hijab she was wearing were put in the scanning machine. The sensor on the electromagnetic gate did not beep when they went through it. Her daughters were permitted to return to the car; she was told to stand aside. Meanwhile, her blue Israeli identification card was taken from her.
After about 15 minutes she asked what was happening. She was told: "Wait." That order was repeated once every 15 minutes. Every 15 minutes she asked again about the delay, until she was told: "It's forbidden to speak to you."
In the end the security guard came, took her into a corner of the room and pulled out a curtain mounted on wheels. How many shirts are you wearing, she asked. Two, answered Nabila, who was told to remove the top one; she did so. Then she was told to remove her pants and other shirt; she did so. Then she was checked with a manual scanning device that beeped.
"Look, it's the metal in the bra," she explained to the examiner, but still the security guard demanded that she remove it. "Is there a problem? Tell me," she said in her fluent Hebrew. But the examiner replied, "I'm not allowed to talk" - and demanded that she remove her underpants and head covering as well. And then?
"Then the examiner did what you do in a gynecological examination," said Nabila, choked up. "In the hospital they ask for permission. I felt like an animal."
Nabila was shocked at the undressing and at what followed. On the way out, and afterward for an hour and a half, she couldn't stop crying.
On November 12 Hedva of Machsom Watch wrote to the ground crossing authority, a unit in the Defense Ministry. The reply to her on November 21 stated in no uncertain terms that "the passenger was not stripped naked at any stage of the examination. Nor was there any vaginal examination."
The letter also said that the woman in question was examined in accordance with normal procedures, but there was a need for an additional examination. In accordance with procedures, the woman was asked to enter a physical search booth for a continued exam. She was given an explanation of the process she had to undergo before the examination was carried out, said the letter.
"During the examination, which was done by a senior examiner, there was a warning indicator from the chest area. The woman was asked to remove her bra while her shirt remained on her body, to maintain her modesty. The employees of the checkpoint authority work very hard to ensure Israel's security while providing the best possible service to the thousands who use the crossings every day," according to the letter.
Her word against their word.
Nabila also works as a housekeeper for a policeman in the Israel Police. She told him what happened to her, and he advised her to complain. But she doesn't have the emotional strength for those processes, she says. Since then she hasn't dared to return to the crossing and visit her husband. But her main concern, she says, is for her daughters, the eldest of whom is 15.
"What guarantee do I have that the same won't happen to them?" she asks. "How will they deal with the shame and the humiliation at such a young age? How will I teach them that there's no difference between human beings, Jews and Arabs?"
P.S. Sha'ar Eliyahu is a "checkpoint" for us, because of this column's objection to euphemism. A "crossing" is usually meant for everyone, but at Sha'ar Eliyahu only Israeli citizens and tourists can cross freely. They have freedom of movement on both sides of the Green Line. Palestinians who are residents of the West Bank are not allowed to enter Israel freely. And whoever has an entry permit to Israel (always for a limited period ) is not allowed to go through a checkpoint that serves only Israelis and tourists. Furthermore, the term "crossing" deliberately gives the impression that this is a border crossing. And that is not the case here. Sha'ar Eliyahu is located deep inside the West Bank.
"Lighting a beacon"
see the website
Jordan Valley Solidarity
I, Daphne Banai, Machsomwatch activist, am glad to light a beacon in honor of the legitimate residents of the Palestinian Jordan Valley, in the name of all these modest and brave people whose sole wish it is to be free in their country and upon their own land, and whose homes my country turns into their prison. It demolishes their houses, arrests their sons, seals their wells and steals their water, handing it over to a handful of settlers who sit upon the ruins of their villages, occupied and destroyed in 1967. Since then Israel has coveted the beautiful, fertile eastern part of the West Bank. All Israeli governments have tried to annex the Palestinian Jordan Valley in order to isolate the West Bank from the outside world. The Jordan Valley is vitally essential to Palestine because it is the bridge to Jordan. Without it, the West Bank will be stifled and sealed like Gaza and entirely dependent on Israel. For this very reason – Israel fights to keep and deepen its grip of the Jordan Valley.
The entire settlement project in the Palestinian Jordan Valley has been geared to this end. Since it is easier to annex a region “cleansed” of its inhabitants, Israel tries to expel the indigenous, legitimate residents through constant harassment – expulsion, land expropriation, house demolitions, denial of water and prevention of free movement.
The harshest checkpoints are not located between the West Bank and Israel. They separate the Palestinian totally non-violent Jordan Valley and the West Bank: gates, deep ditches and dirt piles block children from their school, patients from hospitals and medical care, farmers and their fields and grazing and the possibility to market their produce in the West Bank.
Many have given up in desperation and left. 60,000 others, however, cling to their land. With parched throats and endless hardship they gaze with longing at the bright green plantations of the 8000 “lords of the land” who sit upon their land and exploit its splendor.
Recently the Palestinian residents of the Jordan Valley have been organizing in a popular resistance movement whose mode of struggle is non-violent and is manifested in building without the occupiers’ permission and support of all those struggling to hold on to their land. Their motto – “To exist is to resist”. The soil of the Jordan Valley serves them to form building blocks in the tradition of their forefathers, from which they construct schools, clinics and homes. Laying pipes at night to supply water to an isolated encampment, and especially their spirit and fortitude – these are their weapons.
To the Palestinians of the Jordan Valley and to the Jordan Valley Solidarity movement I wish to dedicate this beacon
IDF, Palestinians clash near Jerusalem
Hundreds of Palestinians clash with IDF at northern Jerusalem checkpoint as part of 'Nakba Day' events. Undercover police officers arrest protesters hurling stones. Four officers lightly injured, total of 36 Palestinians arrested in several incidents around capital
Hundreds of Palestinians clashed with IDF forces at the Qalandiya checkpoint in northern Jerusalem as part of the "Nakba Day" events Sunday.
The IDF said that dozens of protestors were hurling stones at security forces prompting the use of crowd-control measures to disperse the crowd.
Four police officers were lightly injured from stone hurling in several incidents in east Jerusalem, and a total of 36 Palestinians were arrested.
The Jerusalem police arrested a Palestinians man who hurled Molotov cocktails toward police and Border Guard forces in the neighbourhood of al-Tur.
In al-Walaja, south east of Jerusalem, two Palestinian protesters were arrested after trying to block the road.
In Shufat Refugee Camp, north of Jerusalem, Border Guard officers arrested nine Palestinians who hurled stones, and three other Palestinians were detained in Jerusalem's Old City after threatening business owners to close their stores and hold a commerce strike.
"We came here to mark the 'Nakba'," Qalandiya resident Mias Asi told Ynet. "We want to commemorate all the people that were expelled. We don’t want to fight, but we have no choice.
"We are struggling to bring back our lands," she added.
Another protester claimed that "what is happening here is a first step ahead of a third intifada."
Ronny Hamerman, an activist with Machsom Watch – a voluntary group monitoring military checkpoints for human rights abuses – who arrived at the Qalandiya checkpoint told Ynet that "it's very weird that Israel is trying to monopolize the historical recollection of another people. Why is our recollection the only thing important?"
Tamar Fleishman of Machsom Watch added that "the soldiers here are warring with the Palestinians. They're not using live ammunition yet, but people are hurt from tear gas."
Meanwhile, undercover police officers arrested several protesters who hurled stones at police and IDF forces near Qalandiya checkpoint.
Some 1,000 Palestinian were holding a "Nakba Day" protest at the site and waving PLO flags.
Palestinians are reporting that dozens have been wounded by rubber bullets and hundreds suffered from smoke inhalation and were transferred to hospitals. The IDF has confirmed that they used 0.22 mm bullets in Qalandiya.
Thousands of Palestinians are taking part in a march marking "Nakba Day" – the "catastrophe" of Israel's inception – in Ramallah while riots continue in Jerusalem.
Police are also investigating a possible terror attack in Tel Aviv after a truck hit some 15 vehicles and caused the death of one person.
A 63-second siren was sounded across the West Bank at 12 pm, marking the 63 years that have passed since Israel declared independence.
Omri Efraim contributed to the report
Im Tirtzu calls for criminal investigation of Machsom Watch
The letter was sent to the Justice Ministry last week and officials said that it would be reviewed and handled according to protocol, and a decision on whether to open a criminal investigation would be made at a later date.
Last year, Im Tirtzu released a report accusing the New Israel Fund of funding NGOs like Machsom Watch, which it said penned much of the material critical of Israel in the United Nation’s Goldstone Report.
Machsom Watch, a group of Israeli women who monitor treatment of Palestinians at IDF checkpoints, came under fire last week after a picture was published showing senior activist Raya Yaron hugging the mother of one of the men who allegedly murdered five members of the Fogel family in Itamar on March 11. The picture was taken about a week before the Shin Bet (Israel Security Agency) revealed the identities of the suspects.
In his letter to Weinstein, Im Tirtzu chairman Ronen Shoval wrote that a group of Machsom Watch activists entered Awarta, home to the two alleged murders, in violation of an IDF order. The military had imposed a curfew on the village near Nablus.
Shoval cited a blog post found on the Machsom Watch website in which several activists describe a visit to Awarta in mid-April.
“We stood next to the store when three military jeeps arrived. The soldiers told us by loudspeaker to close the store and to leave Awarta. They showed us a document which said that a curfew was in place from 8 a.m. to 8 p.m.,” the blog post read.
The post described the empty streets and how the group left the village but then decided to return. “We looked back and saw that the military vehicles had left and we decided to take a chance and go back to Awarta. We drove again through the streets of the paralyzed village that was under curfew. From a distance we saw a house surrounded by military and we did not go near it.”
According to Shoval, the blog post verifies a violation of the law, warranting a criminal investigation.
“Ignoring this will make the orders of the IDF and its officers who are there to protect Israeli lives worthless, and will encourage those organizations which believe they are above the law,” Shoval said in the letter.
In response to Im Tirtzu, Yaron said on Sunday that Machsom Watch had visited the village just as many other human rights organizations had.
“I was there like other human rights organizations on April 11, a week before the names of the suspects were published, and there were no soldiers in the area, and therefore the claim that we disrupted the soldiers’ work is baseless,” she said.
Ron Friedman contributed to this report.
Modes of Control: Easter at Qalandiya
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When Tamar, one of the Israeli women of the human rights observation and documentation group MachsomWatch (machsom translates to ‘checkpoint’ in English) first telephoned me a few days before we were to meet for me to join(her shift at Qalandiya checkpoint in the Palestinian West Bank, she asked me where we could meet. We had planned to meet during the afternoon of Easter Sunday so that she could answer some of my questions about access for foreigners and of rights, if any, at the over five hundred illegal Israeli checkpoints between the occupied West Bank and both occupied East Jerusalem and Israel proper. “Shall we meet in Beit Hanina or at Qalandiya?” Tamar asked me. Any other Sunday, I may not have had a problem with either spot, but Easter Sunday fell during the Jewish holiday of Passover, and for the entire week of Passover, plus two extra days, we in the West Bank were under military closure. Beit Hanina is a small village in East Jerusalem which borders on the illegal Israeli separation wall, and is within the green line established in 1967. Legally under international law, Beit Hanina and all of East Jerusalem should be under Palestinian control, but these areas are instead entering the forty-fourth year of Israeli occupation. Hence, to reach Beit Hanina from the West Bank, Palestinians must either be residents of Jerusalem, or have received a military permit to cross the checkpoint (or several checkpoints) that separate them from Jerusalem. Military permits, as one might expect, are not easy to get and are usually issued for sick individuals only to visit hospitals in Jerusalem for a short period of time—often valid for only a few hours. Students and workers can apply for temporary academic or work permits to be in Jerusalem but the Israeli military often does not renew them once they expire, or their holders are forced to enter a lengthy process of renewal, during which they are denied access into Jerusalem. To get any type of permit to cross into Jerusalem, even for Palestinians whose families, villages, and even streets are cut off from their neighbors by the separation wall, the applicant must meet age qualifications. Once a Palestinian child from the West Bank turns twelve years of age, he will be given a blue West Bank identity card and is banned from entering Jerusalem, even with his parents. Those West Bank Palestinians who do have permission to enter Jerusalem are not allowed further than Jerusalem into the 1948 borders of Israel. I am currently living in the town of Birzeit, close to the de facto Palestinian Authority capital of Ramallah and about twenty-two kilometers from Jerusalem, and as an American, I hold an Israeli tourist visa. As a foreigner with an Israeli visa, I usually do not have problems passing through Qalandiya checkpoint—besides the usual being treated as less than a human, or as part of a herd of cattle along with the Palestinians. “Well, I don’t know if I can get to Beit Hanina on time, you know, I have to pass through the checkpoint and it is…” I began saying to Tamar. “Oh right, I know, there is a closure. We’ll meet at Qalandiya, on the Palestinian side, next to the wall,” she answered, knowing quite well that because of the Jewish holiday, the entire West Bank was closed in. Even those with normal permits for school and work would face the threat of not being allowed through the checkpoints, and many checkpoints through the West Bank were simply closed for the entire period. Although Qalandiya would remain open, as it is the main checkpoint between the city of Ramallah and Jerusalem, it would take quite some time to pass through it. Two days before speaking to Tamar, I had gone to Jerusalem on the first day of the closure. Only one lane out of several was open to filter Palestinians and visa-holders through the checkpoint and the wait at that particular time of the day was over one hour. On a normal day, nearly forty thousand people pass through Qalandiya checkpoint. Despite the seventy-five degree heat and the screaming of the female soldiers for people to stay in a line and only pass through the turnstiles one-by-one, it could have been worse. It always can be worse. Tamar informed me that if we did not spot each other on Sunday afternoon, I could ask anyone around if she was there. Anyone will know you? I asked. “Well yes, after being there eight years, you know…” she replied. And so it was set. I would spend my Easter Sunday afternoon at Qalandiya checkpoint. I arrived in the West Bank early in January to carry out eight to nine months of research for my doctoral thesis. My field is history, and specifically, the history of the Palestine Mandate. My main reason for being in Palestine then, is not the same as that of many other foreigners who are here as solidarity activists or working or volunteering for NGOs in the West Bank and particularly in Ramallah. I had heard about Machsom Watch some years before, and have high respect for their work: they are a group of Israeli women who since 2001 have taken it upon themselves to bear witness to the injustices and abuses, as well as the system of apartheid and control, that take place at both the hundreds of Israeli checkpoints and military courts which try Palestinian men, women and children for various offenses. They document what they witness and publish it both on their website in great detail, with photos, and also send it to Israeli government officials and representatives. They consider themselves peace activists and against the occupation of Palestine. They are the only group who focuses on what goes on at the checkpoints, and the respect and trust they are held within by the Palestinians is very high. Understandably they are met with suspicion, hostility, offense, and even arrest by the young soldiers who man the checkpoints—for simply watching, documenting, and photographing the checkpoints. My experiences in passing through the checkpoints are not positive, although as a white female with an American passport I do have some degree of preferential treatment. I would assume that most foreigners, even those who support Israel, have a very eye-opening experience when they pass through a checkpoint and are themselves humiliated or watch other human beings—including the elderly, pregnant women, children, and the sick—humiliated for simply committing the unforgivable sin of being a Palestinian who is attempting to use his denied-right to move about freely. I have certainly seen suffering at the Qalandiya checkpoint and heard innumerable horrible stories of it, since I pass through it every weekday to get to Jerusalem. To pass into Israeli controlled territory, one must use the terminal of Qalandiya, or other checkpoint inspections on foot or by vehicle. At Qalandiya, we can only get into the terminal through a narrow passageway, one-by-one, surrounded very closely on both sides by high metal bars. Then we must wait at first one, then another, then often another, turnstile. Movement through this is controlled by Israeli soldiers some distance ahead, in their offices behind bullet and soundproof glass. For fun or as collective punishment, the turnstiles are often locked for long periods of time as the queue to pass through them grows. If two people try to squeeze through one turn, the turnstile is often locked by the soldier, who screams over the loudspeaker at the offenders and everyone else. Without reason, some lanes of the checkpoint can be announced as closed and everyone standing in front of them must move to the next lane, extending the waiting time. Children are separated from parents in turnstiles and then the queues. When taking the Arab bus from Ramallah to Jerusalem, passengers who disembark at the checkpoint while the bus goes through its own lane, usually are not finished in time to get on the same bus and must wait for another. The usual scene after I get through the waiting and reach final turnstile, pass through and place my belongings on the metal detector, is the following: I walk to the soundproof window to show my visa to the soldiers behind the glass. They are young, often in their late teens, and despite the fact that they have made us wait for long periods of time in queue, they are texting or on Facebook on their mobile phones, are listening to music in headphones, are napping with their feet on their desks, are eating or drinking, or are joking around. As an American, I am usually waved on through, but sometimes my passport number and details are recorded. The Palestinian ID cards all have electronic chips that correspond with their finger prints, ensuring that they cannot use another person’s ID to pass through checkpoints. I am supposed to be allowed through at all times with a visa, but I was once turned back, even after insisting having a visa means I am allowed in Israel without such checkpoint restrictions, and told that only West Bank ID holders were allowed into Jerusalem that day. Foreigners and passport holders who entered Jerusalem from Ramallah on the Ramallah-Jerusalem bus were previously allowed to remain on the bus as it went through the bus lane. Those over age sixty-five or who are going to the hospital are also able to stay on the bus. Two soldiers board, often after long waits, and check each person’s ID, fingers on their rifle’s triggers. The soldiers, for any reason, can deny entry to any Palestinian or force them off the bus to walk through the checkpoint. Recently however, all foreigners are treated as Palestinians and are no longer allowed to remain on the bus. It is an interesting situation the Israelis are creating with this new ‘order’: the middle-aged or retired tourists from Midwest America or a small town in Britain who decided to visit Ramallah, or perhaps Bethlehem, for the day but who have no idea of the system of control of the occupation, are made to disembark from the bus on their return to Jerusalem and wait in queue at the checkpoint with the Palestinians. They will see, firsthand, what Israel does not want internationals to see: the humiliation and degradation that takes place at checkpoints. They will be treated as animals as well, pushed through the pen of the checkpoint and screamed at by soldiers over loudspeakers for touching the bars that surround the lanes, getting out of line, not moving fast enough, jamming the turnstiles, or not understanding what they are in fact saying in Hebrew. The most demeaning thing I witnessed out of many occurred at Qalandiya. I travel in the mornings to Jerusalem, and this happens to also be the time many Palestinians are going to Jerusalem to reach the hospital. One morning while waiting in the bus to have my passport inspected, the soldiers approached a very elderly woman sitting at the front on the bus. I had seen her get onto the bus with great difficulty unaccompanied. She had a large patch over one eye. One soldier inspected her documents, as she had a permit to go to the hospital. He was not satisfied with the permit, and as she was a West Bank ID holder, he told her briskly to get off the bus and walk through the terminal for West Bank ID holders. As it happens, this terminal is a walk away from the bus lane, through several lanes of traffic and through a small opening in a metal fence. For an elderly woman, blind in one eye and by herself on the way to the hospital, making her walk all the way to the other terminal is a cruel injustice. She protested; the soldiers both insisted. She appealed to the bus driver. “Yalla hajji, yalla,” was his response, as there was nothing he could do to oppose the soldiers. She was forced off the bus with several shouts from the soldiers. In another example while waiting in the checkpoint line, a young man and his sister were in front of me and the young man was clearly disabled. His sister passed through the metal detector fine, but when he tried, the detector beeped. He tried again, same thing. The sister began to tell the soldiers behind glass that her brother has braces in his mouth, and this always happened, it was fine. The soldiers would hear nothing of it, and telling her to be quiet, began making the young man, disabled, remove first his coat, then shoes, then watch, then sweater...I was able to pass through as he was taking off articles of clothing and walking back and forth through the metal detector. For the very ill who are transported to the checkpoint by a Palestinian ambulance, they face life-threatening waits. Palestinian vehicles, even ambulances from the Red Crescent, are not allowed into Israel although there are several Palestinian hospitals in Jerusalem. Instead, a victim of a sudden heart attack or stroke or an infant with sudden respiratory arrest who cannot be treated at a hospital in the West Bank, must somehow have had the foresight to predict their situation, and arrange for theirs and the ambulance’s papers to be sent to the checkpoint or at least presented in order when they arrive at Qalandiya. Obviously, this is impossible. The wait is often very long for ambulances to pass. It is the soldiers—the IDF who are clearly not trained doctors—to decide how dire a patient’s condition is. They need not let them pass even if the patient is near death if their papers are not in order. The job of the soldier is to only let ambulances pass once the vehicle’s and the patient’s papers are in order and the soldiers are assured the patient is not a security threat to the state of Israel. Family members of the patient who are West Bank ID holders—even mothers of infants—are not allowed to cross the check point with the ambulance and so the patient often goes alone. Once the ambulance is let through, it must park just outside the vehicle lane and back up to the awaiting Israeli-licensed ambulance. The patient is transferred from the Palestinian to the Israeli ambulance in order to be taken the rest of the way to the hospital in Jerusalem. I arrived to Qalandiya on Easter with a good idea of what takes place at checkpoints—not only the insults but also violence and arrests at the hands of the soldiers. Meeting Tamar made this all the more clear, as she recounted stories from various checkpoint-watching in the past eight years of her service to Machsom Watch. Many of the vendors (often children) who make their living at Qalandiya selling water, soda, coffee and tea, sweets, produce, prayer cards and taxi rides to other checkpoints for those denied entry at this one, knew Tamar and spoke Hebrew with her. Others who had recognized her from other times at the checkpoint came to speak with her eagerly. As it was Easter, the terminal was quite full but two lanes were operating. The queue was nevertheless long. The bus lane had been closed all week and so everyone had to pass through these two lanes that day. Those who were allowed into Jerusalem for Easter—very few Palestinian Christians were issued permits to visit the holy city for their holiest of days—had passed through hours earlier. This afternoon, the soldiers allowed two or three people at a time through the first and second sets of turnstiles, with long periods of waiting in between. Some of Tamar’s friends shared their stories, and some were eager to know what her organization did, seeing her nametag. After a couple of hours at Qalandiya, I went with Tamar through two other checkpoints in close proximity: Al-Ram and Hizme, also entrances to Jerusalem. At al-Ram, soldiers stop only cars with yellow Israeli plates. This is an internal checkpoint, not on any border, and is set up so that Jews from the nearby settlement do not ‘accidentally’ take the wrong road and end up in Qalandiya refugee camp or checkpoint. If the cars’ occupants are Palestinians, they are allowed to continue on through, but settlers must turn around and take the Israeli-only road to their destination. Upon getting out of the car at the checkpoint with Tamar to observe, one of the soldiers approached us, his gun pointed right at me. Tamar asks him in Hebrew to please not point his gun in such a way. Another soldier, who knows her, comes over to speak with her for a bit and the first soldier turns and walks back to his post. My Easter Sunday was well-spent—observing the modes of control at the checkpoints. Luckily, there were no incidents in our time at Qalandiya and the other two checkpoints outside of the normal denials of entry. We finished our day with kunefe, an Arabic pastry, at a sweets shop in East Jerusalem. Here, Tamar greeted the staff, all quite familiar with her, and told them she had heard from the soldiers at Qalandiya that the military closure for the Jewish holiday would be extended two extra days. Instead of closure being lifted by Monday morning, it would last until Tuesday night. The cashier shook his head and smiled. “We are waiting for you. Go on, we just keep waiting for you,” he said in reply. - Lauren Banko is doing research in the West Bank. She contributed this article to PalestineChronicle.com. |
